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9/11 Probe
Calls for National Security Overhaul
Jim Lobe
Capping 18 months of work, the bipartisan 9/11 Commission released its
567-page report here Thursday, and challenged President George W Bush and
Congress to urgently make sweeping changes to the structure of the U.S.
intelligence community.
WASHINGTON, Jul 22 (IPS) - Capping 18 months of work, the
bipartisan 9/11 Commission released its 567-page report here Thursday, and
challenged President George W Bush and Congress to urgently make sweeping
changes to the structure of the U.S. intelligence community.
The report's central recommendations called for the creation of a
''National Counter-terrorism Centre'' (NCTC) that would feature joint
operational planning and intelligence-sharing across different government
agencies and, more controversially, the position of a National
Intelligence Director (NID) who would oversee the 15 different agencies
that make up Washington's vast intelligence apparatus.
Such a post, which would require confirmation by the U.S. Senate and be
given space in the White House, is certain to be strongly resisted by the
Pentagon, which currently controls about 80 percent of the estimated
40-billion-dollar U.S. intelligence budget and focuses most of those
resources on spying on foreign militaries rather than on suspected
terrorist groups.
''Our reform recommendations are urgent'', said former Illinois Governor
James Thompson, one of the Republican members of the 10-person body, whose
full name is the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United
States.
''They need to be enacted, and enacted speedily, because if something bad
happens while these recommendations are sitting there, the American people
will quickly fix political responsibility for failure, and that
responsibility may last for generations'', he warned.
Bush met with commission co-chairs, former New Jersey Republican Gov Tom
Kean and former Democratic Representative Lee Hamilton, in the White House
just before the report's official release, and praised the group for ''a
really good job'', promising to study their ''very solid, sound
recommendations''. His Democratic rival, Sen John Kerry, issued a
statement endorsing its conclusions and calling for their urgent
implementation.
''I received an initial briefing on the report from Tom Kean and Lee
Hamilton this morning'', he said. ''We have a big agenda for reforms and
no time to lose in tackling them'', Kerry added, noting that Republican
Sen John McCain and Democratic Sen Joseph Lieberman intended to introduce
legislation that, if enacted, would translate the key recommendations into
law.
In a joint press conference one hour later, McCain and Lieberman said they
will ask Congress to convene a special session later this fall, if
necessary, to move their legislation.
The independent commission, whose creation and mandate were initially
resisted by the Bush administration, reviewed tens of thousands of
documents and heard testimony from some 1,200 witnesses, including Bush
and Vice President Dick Cheney -- who insisted, however, on appearing
jointly and behind closed doors -- as well as senior members of the Bush
government and that of his predecessor Bill Clinton.
The main findings of the long-awaited report came as little surprise, as
much of it has leaked out since the commission issued an initial staff
report last month.
The commission said it found no evidence of an Iraqi connection to the
9/11 attacks, nor any evidence of any ''collaborative operational
relationship'' between the al-Qaeda terrorist group and the government of
former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. ''Conversations, yes; but nothing
concrete'', said Hamilton.
An alleged link between Hussein and al-Qaeda was one of the Bush
administration's most-repeated arguments to justify attacking Iraq in
March 2003.
Similarly, the commission found no evidence of a role by the governments
of Saudi Arabia and Iran with respect to the 9/11 attacks, although it did
find evidence that Iran may have had an operational relationship with
al-Qaeda at one time -- an allegation that has already provoked renewed
tensions between Washington and Tehran.
''We don't know of any current relationship'', said Kean. ''We do know
that when people wanted to get through Iran to Afghanistan to meet with
Osama bin Laden, including a number of the (9/11) hijackers, they were
able to do (that) without marks in their passports that would indicate
they'd been through Iran. But there is no evidence whatsoever, for
instance, that Iran knew anything about the attack on 9/11 or certainly
assisted it in any way''.
But the main thrust of the report was on how the intelligence community
failed to ''connect the dots'' about the threat posed by al-Qaeda, and
specifically the hijackings of the jetliners used for suicide attacks on
New York and the Pentagon on Sep. 11, 2001, a plan that appears to have
been hatched as early as 1998, the report said.
''Ninety percent of the facts that we knew about (al-Qaeda leader) Osama
bin Laden we knew in 1998'', said former Democratic Sen Bob Kerrey,
another commissioner. ''But the full story wasn't delivered until after
9/11 (because) it was held in classified compartmentalised sections (of
the government)''.
Many critics have charged that Washington failed to detect and disrupt the
attacks, which killed nearly 3,000 people, in major part because most U.S.
intelligence resources were focused on potential conventional military
threats as opposed to unconventional threats, such as those posed by
al-Qaeda.
Indeed the commission identified 10 ''unexploited opportunities'' before
the attacks -- four under the Clinton administration and six in the first
eight months of the Bush administration -- when, if the relevant agencies
had known what other agencies had known, the government could have
discovered, delayed, or disrupted the plot.
''We need changes in information sharing'', said Hamilton. ''The United
States government has access to vast amounts of information, but it has a
weak system of processing and using (it). Need to share must replace need
to know''.
That would be the primary purpose of establishing the NCTC. As for the
creation of the NID, the consequences of such a move would be enormous,
not only altering the focus of U.S. intelligence gathering and reducing
the Pentagon's control, but also scrambling powerful and jealous
congressional committees, several of which oversee different parts of the
intelligence community.
The enormity of the task prompted Kerry to say that, while ''hopeful'', he
was ''not optimistic that these changes will be enacted prior to another
terrorist attack on the United States''.
''It will require members of Congress to give up committee assignments
that ... they love'', he said. ''It will require, in the government,
people to give up authority that they currently have over hiring budgets.
The Department of Defence, most notably, will be asked to give up
substantial authorities''
Indeed, Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld has strongly opposed any move to
create a NID, an idea that has long been pushed by Brent Scowcroft, the
former national security adviser under former President George HW Bush
(1989-93), who chaired a presidential commission on the subject in the
late 1990s.
Until now, Rumsfeld has succeeded in keeping the proposal at bay, but the
commission's weighing in so strongly on the question could help tip the
balance in Congress, if not in the administration.
The commission's work before today had already won widespread praise, not
only because of the exceptional bipartisanship that characterised its
public appearances -- a striking contrast to the increasingly bitter
partisan polarisation taking place in Washington in an election year --
but also as a result of the strong public backing it received from the
families of the victims of the 9/11 attacks.
On several occasions, the administration and the Republican leadership in
Congress were forced to cave in to the commission's demands for documents
or for an extension in completing its work.
A survey by the Pew Centre for People and the Press released this week
found that over 60 percent of the public had confidence in the
commission's work, compared to only 24 percent who did not -- a level of
support that commission members clearly hope will be used to press
Congress and the administration on the reforms. (END)
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